This is Kenneth Langone, the founder of
Home Depot and a longtime Republican cabal donor. His biggest fear? Income inequality
I’ve written previously
about the growing fear among elites that they’ve pushed economic
inequality too far. That fear is proliferating, according to a New York
Times Op-Ed this
weekend by former marketing conglomerate CEO Peter Georgescu. Joined
by his friend Ken Langone, founder of Home Depot, Georgescu warns
his fellow 1 percenters that “[w]e are creating a caste system from
which it’s almost impossible to escape.” The column raises the specter
of “major social unrest” if inequality is not addressed.
Georgescu writes:
I’m scared. The billionaire hedge funder Paul Tudor Jones is scared. My friend Ken Langone, a founder of the Home Depot, is scared. So are many other chief executives. Not of Al Qaeda, or the vicious Islamic State or some other evolving radical group from the Middle East, Africa or Asia. We are afraid where income inequality will lead.
In June, Cartier chief Johann Rupert — worth an estimated $7.5 billion — delivered the same message to his wealthy colleagues, telling them
that the intensifying inequality and what it portends “keeps me awake
at night.” He told his fellow elites that “We are destroying the middle
classes at this stage and it will affect us.” Like Georgescu and
Langone, Rupert feared unrest and asked, “How is society going to cope
with structural unemployment and the envy, hatred and the social
warfare?”
But while Rupert only mused about the
prospects for continuing to hawk jewelry and the restfulness of his
nights amid the tumult, Georgescu and Langone are being proactive.
Georgescu writes that he and Langone “have been meeting with chief
executives, trying to get action on inequality,” taking advantage of
Langone’s tremendous access to business leaders. “You’d be hard-pressed
to find a major CEO that wouldn’t take his call,” said
a close associate of Rudy Giuliani of Langone in 2012. Georgescu and
Langone are telling their patrician peers that if “inequality is not
addressed, the income gap will most likely be resolved in one of two
ways: by major social unrest or through oppressive taxes.” The word
seems to be getting around at the global aristocracy’s water cooler, and
Georgescu writes that they “find almost unanimous agreement on the
nature of the problem and the urgent need for solutions.”
It
is remarkable that Langone is partnered with Georgescu on this crusade
for social justice. Langone served on the board of a leading populist
philanthropy group called the New York Stock Exchange, and his deep
concern for the downtrodden led him to chair that gang of do-gooders.
He’s a longtime generous contributor
to Republican presidential candidates who have been on the front lines
of the battle to institute supply-side and neoliberal economics.
“[T]here’s nobody better than him,” said
Rudy Giuliani last year about Langone’s prowess as a bundler for GOP
politicians. And when he isn’t giving money and raising funds for the
political friends of big business, Langone gives the invaluable gift of
his careful insight, last year comparing progressives’ attention to income inequality to Hitler’s political project in 1933.
The
only thing Langone had right was the year: 1933. It was in that year
that President Franklin Roosevelt took office at the height of the Great
Depression, inequality peaked to record levels, and fears of revolt
circulated among that era’s fat-cat elite. Capitalism, unreined during
the 1920s, had hit another of its cyclical failures, this time its worst
yet. The powerful feared revolution, and the New Deal constituted a
sort of bargain made between capitalists and the people: A bit of
socialism to save capitalism from itself.
That year, John Maynard Keynes issued an open letter
to the newly inaugurated Roosevelt in the New York Times, whose two
opening sentences of the more than 2,500-word manifesto defined the
stakes and posed revolution as the price of failure of severely altering
capitalism as it was practiced. Keynes was no radical. He urged the new
president to work “within the framework of the existing social system,”
that is, to reform capitalism without allowing it to be abandoned or
abolished.
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